The Story of the first African graduates in Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe)


Zimbabwe was born out of a long and protracted struggle against British colonialism. Colonial Zimbabwe (formerly known as Rhodesia) at the time was socially, politically and economically designed in such a way that Africans were second class citizens. Opportunities were a privilege of the Whites (Europeans). Despite the hardships a pioneering group of African intellectuals emerged and it is the focus of this paper to explore their journey and extract key lessons. Against the odds this group of Africans prevailed and set in motion a virtuous cycle that showed Africans were indeed capable and in certain instances even better than the benefactors of the colonial administration. The years 1939 up to 1960s and even later a crop of young intellectuals were born. This crop would go on to achieve academic excellence in various fields and managed to achieve degrees and diplomas from various institutions as shall be shown within this paper.


The Colonial Mindset


The Rhodesian settlers were in no doubt as to why the colony had been established, and they generally regarded pursuit of their individual and group interests as mutually exclusive of whatever aspirations toward mobility the colonized majority might hold. At a philosophical level, Imperial strategists like Herbert S. Keigwin played a key role in pushing the negation of African social mobility.

Michael West best describes the colonial mind-set towards the Africans quest to receive education as follows, “Missionary education, then, had produced the Dangerous Native, a figure portrayed and caricatured in settler lore as a miseducated, urbanized male agitator, his lips dripping with wild and imperfectly understood rhetoric about rights”. Juxtaposed against the Dangerous Native was the Good Native, equally idealized and masculinist as his sinister opposite number, the Good Native was properly trained and respectful of authority, deferring to white Native Affairs bureaucrats and their African underlings (chiefs) as he moved about the countryside, tools in hand, making himself useful to his neighbours. As the image suggests, the Good Native was, fundamentally, a product of industrial education.


As early as 1899, when the first Education Ordinance was promulgated, government policy formalized the development of two distinct, separate and unequal educational tracks for whites and blacks. Official policy offered the settlers children an academic education commensurate with their predetermined status as members of the ruling race, whereas young Africans, condemned by the colonial political economy to a life of drudgery, would receive industrial training to make them more tractable labourers and docile subjects. The introduction of the Native Schools Ordinance of 1912 further cemented African education and the machinery to implement it.

Who are these individuals?


According to Michael West Cephas Hlabangana was the first African in Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) to graduate with a Bachelors degree from the Fort Hare University College in 1939. Tennyson Hlabangana who was young brother to Cephas was also among the first few colonial Zimbabweans to graduate from college.


Gideon Mhlanga graduated from the Fort Hare University College in 1944.  Stanlake Samukange who earned his BA in 1948 became the first Shona speaking college graduate. Stanlake was the son to the prominent Methodist Wesleyan Church leader Reverend Thompson Samukange.
Samuel Parirenyatwa became the first African in Southern Rhodesia to qualify as a Medical Doctor.

Walter Kamba became the first African to graduate with an LLB in Southern Rhodesia. Herbert Chitepo another trailblazer became the first African to qualify as a Barrister. To put the reader into perspective, under the British system, the legal profession is divided into two: a lawyer is either a Barrister or a solicitor.

Herbert Wilshire Chitepo pioneered as a Barrister a feat that many may not appreciate considering that Independent Zimbabwe opted to use the fused legal system as explained by Professor Lovemore Madhuku, in 1981 Zimbabwes legal profession was fused via the Legal Practitioners Act, 1981 (Act No. 15 of 1981), now Chapter 27:07.

Sarah Kachingwe nee Chavhunduka became the first black female to be enrolled at the University College of Rhodesia (now University of Zimbabwe) in 1957. Though Mrs Chavhunduka pioneered as a female academic, earlier on in the year 1953 Susan Dangarembga had graduated with a degree in English and Latin from the Fort Hare University. The successful completion of her degree made her the first black woman in Zimbabwe to successfully start and complete university and earn a degree.


Madeline Nyamwanza Makonese is the first Zimbabwean female doctor, the second African woman to become a doctor and the first African woman to graduate from University of Rhodesia Medical School in 1970.

Dexter Mark Chavhunduka was Zimbabwes first black veterinary surgeon. He graduated from the Edinburg University in Scotland in 1964. Another shining beacon was Dr Edson Sithole, Edson became the first black person in the entire southern and central region to obtain a doctorate i.e. Doctor of Laws (LLD) from the University of South Africa in 1974. He was the first black person in the then Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) to hold such a qualification- whites included.


What became of these trail blazers


Joshua Nkomo is perhaps the most relatable figure amongst these pioneers as he later on ventured in politics. He led the ZAPU party from its formation up until Zimbabwe got its independence. An interesting feature that many may not know is that, Joshua Nkomo is perhaps the first university-trained person, black or white, to be employed by the Rhodesia Railways now (NRZ). After a long service in politics Dr Joshua Nkomo later became Zimbabwes Vice President.


Herbert Chitepo briefly became a teacher after his studies at Fort Hare in 1949. He went on to qualify as a barrister at Law while in London as a research assistant at the School of Oriental and African Studies. On return to Rhodesia in 1954, he practised as a lawyer and defended many African nationalists in court. He later on went into full time politics eventually leading the external wing of ZANU (Dare re Chimurenga) charged with executing the war effort. Unfortunately he lost his life in 1975 at the height of Zimbabwes protracted liberation war.


Stanlake Samukange is perhaps the most accomplished academic the country has ever produced. In 1962 he went on to found the first education technical skills school called Nyatsime College that still stands to date. This was done at the back drop of the absence of a technical college for Africans as had been long advocated for by lobby groups like the African Teachers Association (ATA).


Gideon Mhlanga later on got involved with the African Teachers Association a lobby group that pushed for the education cause and the welfare of African teachers.


Samuel Parirenyatwa became heavily involved in African nationalism and worked closely with Joshua Nkomo. He became the Vice President of ZAPU deputising Joshua Nkomo. On 14 August 1962 Parirenyatwa died in a car and train collision in what other nationalists believed to have been a crackdown on all known ZAPU party loyalist. Zimbabwes biggest hospital is named in his honour (Parirenyatwa Group of Hospitals formely known as Andrew Fleming Hospital)


Walter Kamba was the first vice chancellor of the University of Zimbabwe at independence in 1980. He was also involved in African Nationalism and was part of the legal team of the Patriotic Front at the Lancaster House talks in 1979.


Cephas Hlabangana became a teacher in South Africa and upon his return to Rhodesia, became a Member of Parliament for Mpopoma constituency. He ran for election under the then Prime Minister Edgar Whiteheads party called UFP. Tennyson Hlabangana prematurely died in 1948 just a few years into a promising career as a teacher and public intellectual. In his honour the Hlabangana Bursary (Tennyson Hlabangana National Bursary Fund) was established as an African self-help education fund promoting the financing of African students in colonial Zimbabwe. Hope Fountain Mission (UCCSA) School is named in his honour (Tennyson Hlabangana High School).


Edson Sithole was the second black African to be admitted to the Rhodesian Bar in 1963 after Herbert Chitepo. He also became involved with African Nationalist movement (ANC, ZAPU and ZANU) and in October 1975 he was kidnapped together with his secretary Miriam Mhlanga by suspected members of the Rhodesian secret services. He was never seen alive again to this day

Conclusion


This is a story of prevailing against the odds, the rise of this African middle class was a bold message that showed that Africans are equally capable and in certain instances even better. When the colonialist agenda would teach as what Posselt blurted out It would be ludicrous to imagine a Mashona (African) holding a university degree or being called to the bar, these pioneers persevered and overcame. When all institutions and finance opportunities did not favour them, they kept on pressing even when on many occasions their value would still be undermined by racist policies in the workplace. I believe to a great extent what kept them going was a realisation that literacy and education ultimately translated into a better life, materially and socially.

The writer believes that perhaps as present day Zimbabwe we should go back to this premise and interrogate if we are doing enough for the present day youth. Whither education and the education system in Zimbabwe? The writer also challenges the present day historian and researcher to dig deeper and bring to light the stories of those that pioneered and opened unique avenues when the colonial administration had deliberately set them up for failure. Documentaries should be produced, and in academic institutions certain names must surely be relatable to the present day student.

By One Colin Chanetsa

The role of the Catholic Church in the development of Zimbabwe

The Roman Catholic Church’s influence in Zimbabwe dates back to the 16th century during the Munhumutapa Empire when Father Gonzalo Silver SJ first made contact with local people of Zimbabwe. The irony is that despite Zimbabwe formerly Rhodesia being a British colony, its Catholic roots sink deeper than the Anglican roots (Church of England). Some scholars have attributed this feat to the coming of the pioneer column whose Chaplain was a Catholic. It is from this background that the Catholic Church takes a lead role in the development agenda of Zimbabwe. The Catholic Church has played an integral role in the development of Zimbabwe and the world at large. This aspect is seen through the different indicators that this article will explore at great length. The triad development model in the development of Zimbabwe can trace its way back to the Catholic Church’s influence in shaping the development agenda of pre and post independent Zimbabwe.

EDUCATION

The first formal school in Zimbabwe is called St Georges which was established in 1896, first being established in Bulawayo and later moving to Harare. It is from this point that the Catholic Church through the Jesuits takes a pioneering role in the development of Zimbabwe. Education is at the crux of any developmental state. They are over 50 catholic schools dotted in the whole of Zimbabwe’s urban and rural areas. Indeed it is an injustice to explore the development of Zimbabwe and yet exclude the role played by the Catholic Church through its various agencies.

According to the USAID (2018) education is a foundational driver of development, and fundamental to achieving self-reliance. Education is transformational for individuals and societies–it creates pathways to better health, economic growth, a sustainable environment, and peaceful, democratic societies. A person’s earnings increase by 10% with each year of school they complete. Women with higher levels of education have healthier children. And increasing the average level of higher education in a country by just one year can add half a percentage point of growth to GDP.

Education has transformative impact and if one is to follow the basic needs development thought, which follows that, they are minimum resources necessary for the long term physical wellbeing of an individual. At the centre of this approach is income which is proposed as the variable to satisfy those needs. There is a correlation between education, a job and income. As eluded above that a person’s earnings increases by 10% every time they finish a year of schooling. The Catholic Church also provides tertiary education training through universities that it owns and runs, that is, the Catholic University and Arrupe University. Specialised schools for vulnerable children living with disabilities like Emerald Hill School for the Deaf  have also helped the government in ensuring that even vulnerable children get access to education opportunities. It is from this background that the writer opines that indeed the Catholic Church has contributed much to the realisation of Zimbabwe’s development process. It is their pioneering role that set the tone for Zimbabwe’s education and put the country on the global map as the country with the most literate people in Africa.  

Healthcare

Meaningful development is that which goes beyond looking into various indicators like GDP and seeks to interrogate the impact of such on how the lives of the citizens has been impacted. Professor Amartya has contributed greatly to the perspective that true development seeks to increase the human capabilities. According to Amartya Sen, Expansion of freedom is viewed, in this approach, both as the primary end and as the principal means of development. Development consists of the removal of various types of unfreedoms that leave people with little choice and little opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency. The removal of substantial unfreedoms, it is argued here, is constitutive of development and provision of social opportunities like healthcare is amongst the anchors of this perspective that real development is freedom.

The removal of unfreedoms like diseases becomes the priority of any development agenda. The Catholic Church has been instrumental in providing healthcare facilities in the form of hospital, clinics and rehab centres in Zimbabwe. According to ZACH (2019) Mission Hospitals and clinics in Zimbabwe contribute 68% health care delivery in rural Zimbabwe and 35% nationally.  Most mission hospitals and clinics are in remote areas and provide services to underserved, marginalized and vulnerable communities. Notable Catholic Hospitals include, Karanda Mission hospital, St Alberts (Centenary), St Pauls (Mrewa), Mater Dei (Byo) just to mention a few. It is clear that the Catholic Church run Hospitals command a nationwide presence covering even the most remote of areas. Their role in complimenting the government is evidence that speaks to their role in the development process of Zimbabwe.

Politics, Peace and reconciliation

The rise in nationalism in Zimbabwe also has its roots in the catholic schools as most Nationalists at the time were missionary schooled with Robert Mugabe of Kutama being the most influential figure in our body polity. Most politicians who spearheaded the nationalist movement trace their influences and political awakening in the education as provided by missionaries. It is from this background that one cannot separate the Catholic Church from the politics of Zimbabwe. At the height of the liberation struggle the Catholic church used to publish a magazine called “Moto”, Moto magazine deliberately took sides to provide a voice to the nationalists and its visibility and impact began to be felt by the racist white regime led by Ian Smith especially with its opposition to the in – famed 1965 unilateral declaration of independence.

After independence in 1980, Moto continued to scrutinize the newly independent leaders led by the charismatic Robert Mugabe with its impact being felt during the paper’s probe of the Matabeleland disturbances. Moto became a platform for the anti-establishment groups of the society. It is from this background that the paper looked at the role played by the magazine in Zimbabwean politics before and after independence. In the 1980s the Catholic church through its agencies like Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace( CCJP) played a very pivotal role in documenting the experiences of the Matebeleland disturbances also known as Gukurahundi (1980-7). The Catholic Church was the primary place of refuge for ordinary citizens who were caught up in the political violence in the Matebeleland region. The Zimbabwe Catholics Bishop Conference (ZCBC) has played a very important advisory role to the government through providing early warning systems in order to avoid disasters especially those of a political nature.

The 2008 era also witnessed the emergence of political violence and this was witnessed by many reports of murders and family displacements and the church played a critical role in ensuring that victims secured primary assistance. November 17 2017 also saw the critical role played by the Catholic Church, The military take over that resulted in the resignation of Strong man Robert Mugabe whom had been at the realm of power for 38 years cannot be best understood without putting Father Fidelis Mukonori SJ in the picture. Fidelis Mukonori SJ was a key player in Robert Mugabe’s fall from power in Zimbabwe. He was the mediator between the military element and President Mugabe and his efforts helped pacify a highly sensitive period that would have easily degenerated into a civil war had it not been handled with kid gloves. Indeed the Catholic Church has played an important role in the development of Zimbabwe, both in pre independence and post-independence Zimbabwe. This has manifested in key areas like conflict prevention and early warning systems, mediation and dialogue, peace education and transitional justice and reconciliation.

Emergency service/ Agriculture/ water management

Drought is a common feature in the savannah and once in a decade Zimbabwe often gets hit by drought resulting in acute food shortages. The Catholic Church through its agencies like the Catholic Relief Services (CRS) has contributed much in the area of agriculture, water security and emergency services. CRS is thriving to achieve its vision by empowering water stewardship through 3 areas, (a) water and climate smart agriculture (b) Innovative, scalable, adaptable, resource-neutral and gender-responsive water, sanitation and hygiene, or WASH, services (c) improved, more equitable and inclusive water governance that increases financialinvestments in water. Another important area is agriculture, Catholic Relief Services helps millions of smallholder farmers worldwide recover from natural disasters and civil strife, build resilient farming systems, and grow them into agro-enterprises that engage successfully with markets. The economy of Zimbabwe is largely agro based as it follows after Lewis’ two sector model and the efforts by the Catholic Church have a greater impact in realization of a higher GDP for the nation.

Conclusion

Is it then possible to divorce the role of the missionaries (Catholics) and the colonisation agenda? Others have even argued that the missionaries interrupted an existing education and development system that was anchored on Indigenous Knowledge systems (IKS) and cultural values in favour of a western oriented education style. Perhaps it is a point of analysis for another paper but what remains largely a fact is that the role of the Catholic Church in the development of the nation Zimbabwe is as crystal clear. Their influence and contributions have largely shaped the nation state and at critical junctures and turning points the Catholic voice has largely played an important role

By One Colin Chanetsa

Political Dialogue: The search for Legitimacy in Zimbabwe

Introduction

Modern democracies are founded on the principle that government derives its authority from the consent of the governed. It is against this background that this paper seeks to unpack the possibilities that dialogue presents in trying to resolve political problems. The paper will trace the concept of dialogue in Zimbabwe’s politics from a historical perspective through an analysis of dialogue cases since Rhodesian times. Indeed dialogue can be an important piece in trying to solve the complex jigsaw of political crisis however this paper will show that this can only be possible if certain characteristics are exhibited by the dialogue itself. The search for panaceas is a complex issue and Zimbabwe’s quest for legitimacy is one complex matter. Undeniably dialogue forms part of a sub set within a broader set to resolve key questions chief being the legitimacy issue.

Historical perspective on dialogue in Zimbabwe’s politics

The birth of modern day Zimbabwe traces its roots back to the concept of dialogue between the settler regime and the native groups that is the Shona and the Ndebele. The writer then asks what type of dialogue was this. The Rudd Concession (1888) is a clear testament to the fact that this dialogue was set to subjugate and push the native groups out of power and set the pace for colonisation. It is against this background that this paper highlights that it takes much more than dialogue.

The Smith – Muzorewa talks which ran after the fall out of the African National Council (1971-79) was characterised by secret negotiations between Smith and Bishop Muzorewa all in a bid to try and resolve the Rhodesia legitimacy concern. Liberation movements were side lined leading to the Internal Settlement of 1979. The contents of the dialogue lacked one key component that is failure to resonate with the major political grievance at the time – NIBMAR (No Independence before Majority Rule). The common error with the approach to dialogue in Zimbabwe is, it has been used to side line groupings whose interests have resonated with majority of citizens. A historical approach makes up an important aspect in trying to understand the impact of how an inherited system has an impact on the political conduct in present day Zimbabwe and even Africa as a whole.

Lancaster House (10 September 1979)

The protracted war for liberation culminated in the liberation movements meeting at the negotiation table. A failed attempt to highjack the liberation movement was unsuccessful, as seen in the loss of legitimacy of the Zimbabwe- Rhodesia period under the leadership of Bishop Abel Muzorewa. Britain resolved to call for yet another dialogue at Lancaster house, and these talks became known as the Lancaster House talks that resulted in the Lancaster House Agreement. Britain, Rhodesian authorities and the liberation movements under the banner of Patriotic Front came to the negotiation table. Another interesting perspective shown at Lancaster is best expressed in the following view by Munemo (2016), Lord Carrington was a biased referee in a settlement that failed to prioritize African interests. He was capitalism’s man on the ground whose sleight of hand produced a settlement that satisfied global capital interests.

He employed a negotiating style that Novak (2009) describes as “dominant third-party mediation”. He controlled the agenda, the tempo of the talks, imposed terms, deadlines and directed the trajectory of the talks. One commentator likened the agreement to Africans having been offered the driver’s seat while the whites would continue to map the route the car must take and control the fuel which made it run (Mtisi et al, 2009:166). The common weakness that marred dialogue in Zimbabwe’s politics has been that of a coercive nature in which those with power have used their power to push aside political contenders and many at times dialogue has seen the vanquishing of political opponents at the expense of pushing for mutual interests.

Unity Accord (December 22 1987)

The Unity Accord was birthed out of an internal conflict between Zimbabwe’s main liberation movements, ZANU PF and PF ZAPU in 1987. The conflict can be traced back to the breakaway of ZAPU members like Robert Mugabe and the formation of ZANU in the 1960s. Professor Masipula Sithole opined that the conflict was a part of struggles within the struggle. Zimbabwe entered a deadly and bleak phase that has become known as ‘Gukurahundi’ resulting in struggle icon Dr Joshua Nkomo’s fleeing into exile, only to return to Zimbabwe to be a part of the negotiation table. Yet again dialogue was given a chance and Zimbabwe became a de facto one party state. Of importance was not the dialogue itself but how the dialogue was conducted and the contents of the dialogue itself. Munemo (2016) carefully examined Zimbabwe’s search for peace, reconciliation and unity and came to the discovery that, the unification of ZAPU and ZANU was in fact the swallowing of PF ZAPU.

An analysis into the key clauses of the Unity Accord agreement proves this beyond reasonable doubt. The talks to the Unity Accord ended in the signing of an agreement to merge PF ZAPU and ZANU PF into one United ZANU PF. A careful look into the deal shows coercive elements as a common characteristic to the dialogue approach in Zimbabwe’s political landscape. Colonial legacy elements also exhibit themselves as highlighted by Gatsheni Ndlovhu (2008), after the battering PF ZAPU and the Ndebele were invited into government and a Shona-imagined nation.

This was in the same manner that white colonialist used to invite the African native groups into the state after overpowering them. Dr Munemo (2015) further cements the notion that dialogue in Zimbabwe has failed to bear much fruit due to a flawed approach by the parties involved. He goes on to say, the fact that the being of the ZANU PF party remained unaltered while that of PF ZAPU was diminished reinforces the notion that coloniality permeated the agreement. ZANU PF perceived itself as an ontologically superior political formation to PF ZAPU. Indeed dialogue that lacks philosophical content results in compromised solutions that are set on a time bomb that only time will reveal.

Global political Agreement ( GNU 2009)

Many scholars have written many texts about the pre and post-election season surrounding the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe. A combination of economic decline and a declining legitimacy level forced ZANU PF to the negotiating table with the MDC led by the then President the late Morgan Richard Tsvangirai. The talks led to what became known as the Global Political Agreement (GPA). Arch rivals were brought to the table, that is former President Mugabe and the late Morgan Tsvangirai. This was a first of its kind as hardliner and political stalwart Robert Mugabe finally came to the negotiation table and it marked what Daron Acemoglu terms a ‘Turning point” to our body polity. GNU period pacified the polarisation gap that was widening at an alarming level creating an ideal sense of unity in Zimbabwe.

Unfortunately GNU became yet another dialogue attempt which exhibited the same qualities of a typical political negotiation from historical times. South Africa’s Thabo Mbeki, offered a biased stance favouring his long time comrades. In fact the GNU negotiation period saw liberation movements take up a brotherhood approach, that is, ANC/ZANU/FRELIMO/SWAPO. Dialogue also presented a chance for Zimbabwe to repackage herself and revive her global image and in turn resuscitate her lost legitimacy. Sadly the glory of the period was short lived as shown by the aftermath of the 2013 elections. ZANU PF also came to the negotiation table and acted like big brother as has been the common characteristic since historical times. This approach amongst other negating elements became reason why dialogue has failed to realise its full potential in resolving challenges and in turn resolve the legitimacy question.  

Political Actors Dialogue (POLAD)

President Emmerson Mnangagwa launched the Political Actors Dialogue (Polad) on the 17th of May 2019 and this saw 17 political parties participate in the inaugural dialogue series. Key points that came out of the President’s speech where the fact that indeed dialogue improves our democratic culture and the importance of creating one unified voice as the country braces for international re engagement. Another point of reference was the fact that dialogue was also meant to help in the turnaround situation of the country’s socio economic fortunes. Unfortunately the writer opines that the dialogue which is still at the embryonic stage has suffered a still birth. This is because the MDC Alliance under the leadership of one Nelson Chamisa shunned the talks from the onset. Another point of contention is the disagreement between the 2 major stakeholders on the need to engage an independent convener/mediator preferably an outsider.

Former President Thabo Mbeki expressed the view that President Mnangagwa had done a noble initiative in launching the dialogue but he insists the MDC Alliance must be involved in the process. A Point to note is the fact that Polad has potential to be successful because there have been many lessons in history that can be rectified by a correct approach to Polad, but sadly the ruling party has ignored the call to win the MDC Alliance over to the dialogue table. In so doing one can liken this dialogue season as that of the period when the then Liberation movements ZANU and ZAPU were excluded in the Smith Muzorewa talks and the dialogue yielded no results.

Zimbabweans deserve a better future and one cannot take away the influence exerted by the politician and political conduct in setting the tone for development. The writer is of the view that a polarized approach towards our foreign policy lacks the impetus that’s greatly needed to win over the West. Yet again Zimbabwe is at the crossroads, and in the words of Daron Acemoglu we are at a critical juncture and turning point. To date, Polad remains of less relevance to the current problems facing the state. Dialogue is just but the start, the contents or agenda of the dialogue is the icing to the cake. The nation has a choice either to incline with virtuous cycles or to continue on the path of vicious cycles.

Conclusion

History and experience has shown that the success of dialogue is not in its holding but in the twin focus of hosting it together with setting and fulfilling a meaningful set agenda. Dialogue offers an opportunity to be unconventional in our approach to politics and in turn realise the legitimacy that has become a perennial quest within our political landscape. Sadly short term gains have been pursued at the expense of long term benefits. Many at times dialogue has shown how those with power are willing to push selfish agendas at the expense of the national interest. I believe it is a time to recalibrate our politics and show that Zimbabwe can make it amongst the global players. In the words of one youth whom I am not at liberty to mention, “Let’s make Zimbabwe great again”. Indeed dialogue is the right diagnosis but the contents of the dialogue makes up part of the prognosis in the search for legitimacy.

“A more significant phase should mean serious political dialogue ” – Aung Sung Suu

By One Colin Chanetsa

A decolonial approach to Public Health sector reform

Zimbabwe was birthed out of a history of the negation of the rights of the African majority. This colonial legacy still reflects in our day to day life in post independent Zimbabwe. Despite many African countries gaining independence, post-colonial governments inherited the systems of the former colonial masters and that in itself has affected the realization of true freedom to the citizens. This paper will trace the history of our Public health system and how the government has largely ignored the need to embark on a major health sector transformation. Solutions will be put forth in a bid to try and amplify the voice on the need to urgently address the anomalies bedeviling this sector. True development is that which is anchored on a human centered approach and for this reason health becomes a major development issue. It is time Zimbabwe priorities pursuing a Human rights centered approach towards the provision of Health care to the public.

Historical context to Public Health sector

The Health sector of Zimbabwe was structured along institutionalised racial segregation with the whites (minority) receiving many privileges at the expense of the black majority. Phyllis Johnson postulated that government policy was that of providing a curative approach towards the blacks whilst whites enjoyed a disease preventative approach. Hospitals like Andrew Fleming now Parirenyatwa and United Bulawayo Hospital (est:1937) were a preserve for the whites whilst Harare Central Hospital was for the blacks. Equipment and drugs deemed as waste at Andrew Fleming would be taken to Harare Hospital for the blacks to use. The University of Zimbabwe was the only institution training doctors in the country at the time and the medical practice was a preserve for the white minority group.

It is from his background that our healthcare system is structured and despite Zimbabwe having gained independence, 39 years later, the impact of colonial legacy can still be felt by the ordinary Zimbabwean. This has been worsened by the fact that the ruling class/elite of modern society have in themselves become the new minority group which enjoys the benefits of receiving health care outside the country whilst giving less attention to the public healthcare system. Corruption and misappropriation of funds has become the new demon affecting the land. Sadly the general citizens have become victims to a failing healthcare system in both pre independent and post-independent Zimbabwe.

Skills Deficit

One of the major challenges facing our healthcare system is the issue of skills deficit. There is a great imbalance between our population and skilled medical personnel. Dr Chido Rwafa Deputy Director Mental Health services under the Ministry of Health highlighted that Zimbabwe only has 15 psychiatrists against a population of 13 million. There has been a rise in cases of cancer in its various forms but unfortunately the skills gap in oncologists is still to be filled resulting in patients having to travel to far countries like India and Dubai to receive treatment. Hopewell Chin’ono an investigative journalist has highlighted the need to urgently address the health sector transformation. Amongst his major findings was that up until 2008 the country only had 2 prostate cancer specialists. In 2016 the Health sector recorded 7275 cancer diagnoses and 2700 deaths were recorded.

The Sunday Mail (2018) article titled “When the Health sector snoozes” highlighted the following findings with regards to the health critical skills database. The doctor to patient ratio stood at 1:250 thousand patients against the W.H.O standard of 1:10 000 patients for third world countries translating to at least 8 general practitioners and 4 specialists per provincial hospital. According to the same report the Medical and Dental Practitioners council of Zimbabwe showed the country had only 2624 registered medical practitioners. About 1837 are general practitioners whilst 19 practice psychiatry. There are five hematologists (blood disease specialists), 34 ophthalmologists (eye specialists); and 92 gynecologists and obstetricians. An outstanding fact is that the country suffers from an acute skills deficit as it manifests in the shortage of medical specialists in the various fields.

Donor Dependency

Dr Dambisa Moyo has documented extensively on the concept of what she calls Dead Aid. Africa suffers from an over reliance on donor funding and Zimbabwe is guilty as charged on this issue. Unfortunately a healthcare system anchored on donor funding has less capacity to grow. The fact that African governments know that they will always receive donor funding has removed the incentive for the government to priorities addressing healthcare challenges affecting the country. All government programs in the healthcare system from HIV testing, TB control, Malaria control inter alia will suffer from incapacity provided that donors have pulled out. 80% of our medical stocks come from donors with the USAID being the major funder and partner in the health system. It is important to note that the donor community remains of importance to Zimbabwe as the triad model towards implementation of development acknowledges their role. However an over reliance on that institution distorts the supplementary role as the donor community tends to take the lead role.

Infrastructure/ Equipment deficit

The service delivery of Healthcare in Zimbabwe is anchored on 6 major referral hospitals that are namely Parirenyatwa, Harare Hospital, Ingutsheni (est 1908), Chitungwiza (est 1984) Hospital, Mpilo hospital(est 1958) and United Bulawayo Hospital (est 1937). All the above hospitals are too old as many have been inherited from the colonial government. The theaters, wards have not been given adequate attention since being built. Case in point is that of Harare hospital which has a capacity to serve 1.5 million clients and yet with only one functional Theater of the 2 theaters at the hospital. According Chin’ono’s investigative report Zimbabwe’s public health sector has only 5 cancer machines stationed at Mpilo and Parirenyatwa and at present all the machines are not working.

 According to the Newsday (2019) 600 women die out of the 100 000 birth deliveries done within our hospitals. These high numbers stand amongst the highest in SADC and it is from this background that this paper calls for an urgent public sector reform and transformation. A referral system disempowers citizens and allows for patients to travel very long distances whilst seeking medical attention. Renal machines are also in short supply in the country with citizens having to travel to Bulawayo, Chitungwiza or Parirenyatwa to access renal machines which facilitate dialysis. There is a shortage of medicinal equipment like syringes, disinfecting soaps amongst many other basics that are of importance in medical service provision. There is a serious water shortage resulting in medical wards not having access to water.

Technical context: More medical schools needed

Zimbabwe has done considerably well in establishing Nursing schools in the country. All provinces have at least one or two schools that produce nurses. Unfortunately low progress has been witnessed with regards to increasing medical schools that provide Medical degrees that is Bachelors degrees in Medicine and Surgery (MBCHB). Only the University of Zimbabwe, NUST and the Midlands State University offer such degrees. Considering the intake numbers, it is only fair to say that only U.Z is offering Medical doctor degrees as the other universities enrol at very low capacity. The five year training of medical doctors has been conducted through the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Zimbabwe since 1963 in two physical sites in Harare; Mount Pleasant Campus for Basic Sciences and Mazowe Street Campus for Clinical Sciences. Annual student enrollment has gradually increased from less than 30 in the early stages to around 300 currently.

Others in the medical fraternity have argued that increasing medical degrees will compromise quality, but this paper challenges that notion as evidence shows that increasing medical doctors has an impact on the overall quality of healthcare as a whole as people will get access to services as evidenced in the increased doctor to patient ratios. Allowing other universities to offer medical degrees will also help increase specialist degree uptake. An ideal scenario would be that of allowing at least the various universities to facilitate training of doctors in various fields. An example of such is as already in the pipeline as reported by the Newsday (2017) that Bindura University of Science Education will soon establish specialist training school of Optometry. An increase in Medical schools will ultimately go a long way in covering the research gap that offers a complimentary role in delivery of medical services. It’s a sad realization that there are more medical schools in conflict torn Somalia than in peaceful Zimbabwe and this anomaly must be addressed. All the above will go a long way in the realization of public sector reform.

Recommendations

  • There is need for more political will as it takes political will to adhere to International standards like Abuja Declaration.
  • There is need to urgently address administrative aspects. E,g evidence on the ground shows that Hospitals like Parirenyatwa have ignored certain administrative provisions that empower them to swiftly respond to issues covering procurement without going to tender as provided for in the Procurement Act (PRAZ)
  • Another administrative/bureaucratic case in point would be that of the Radiology issues in Zimbabwe. The big hospitals like Mpilo took time to set up Radiology facilities despite the machines having been bought. Why – due to compliance issues with the Radiology Protection Act
  • Government must address brain drain issues by allowing doctors trained from outside the country to register without much challenges. If this gap is left unaddressed Zimbabwe will continue to suffer from the push impact of expertise migration. A good case in point would be that of the Smile Train campaign. This saw doctors from Canada receiving waivers from the Medical registry board (MDPCZ) in order for them to provide services to kids with cleft clip and palate
  • An overview of the Auditor General’s report over the years has cited concerns around the need to address inventory issues at the major hospitals. Failure to do so has meant that certain drugs have expired unnoticed.
  • Government must ensure that citizens enjoy value for their money in the Medical aid services. e.g the Cuthbert Dube and Premier Services Medical Aid Society case.
  • A good triad model towards good development practice means adopting a concept of Sustainability in implementation of projects lest programs suffer still births upon hand over to the government
  • Increase local production of medicines and medical equipment
  • Need to address the Public health Act so that it is in alignment with present day realities
  • Devolution ,Devolution , Devolution

Conclusion

The case of Zimbabwe is that which resonates with the notion by Prof Amartya Sen, that is, the failure to provide a viable and reliable Health sector has resulted in remediable injustice. Post-independence Zimbabwe has witnessed the failure to usher in a new dispensation in the provision of health care. This transformation is that which is characterized by a human rights centered approach towards medical services. The reform agenda should focus on a broader concept of twinning quality healthcare provision and access to services. This paper establishes that devolution towards medical service provision will go a long way in actualizing quality medical services. All the above issues remain in our reach to change. Why – because a healthy population contributes to economic development through increased productivity and lengthened working life. True independence means breaking the yokes of colonization as manifesting in colonial legacy.  Failure to address the above will ultimately result in the continuation of our hospitals being death traps.

We can surely do better !

Good is not good enough if it can be better, and better is not good enough if it can be Best.

For any help, donations towards our public hospitals please go to the following website for more : SOHZIM.com

By One Colin Chanetsa

“When The Genie is out of the Bottle” Complexities within Zimbabwe’s Politics

18 April 1980 saw the culmination of the protracted liberation struggle resulting in the birth of a new nation under the name of Zimbabwe, that is, ‘House of stone’. Indeed a clean slate was availed to a young nation. This paper seeks to explore a variety of challenges that have come to characterize the political conduct in the nation as it manifests in the complexities with the Military, business and political conundrum in the land. Key areas of discussion ponder on the fact that – the historical challenge with the model in which our politics is structured, that of twinning the gun and politics. Another point of reference goes to the fact that the military has over the years become an influential institution with great influence within our polity. Over the years it has become an impediment to the nation’s gravitation towards democratic practice .Lastly the paper proposes that indeed the time for a serious Security sector reform and Transformation is long overdue. The case of Zimbabwe fits the description by Daron Acemoglu and Robinson, that is, nations fail because they tend to adopt vicious cycles instead of virtuous cycles with a positive impact towards the country’s development trajectory.

A Historical perspective                                                                        

Zimbabwe’s liberation war was won through the efforts of 2 main political parties and their liberation army units, that is, ZANU/ZANLA and ZAPU/ZPRA .Understanding this background is of paramount importance because it is from this history that the military (security class) takes up its role as a major stockholder in the governance matrix of Zimbabwe. The major fault line comes from the fact that, the 2 main liberation movements took up the communist strategy of “twinning the gun with politics”. During the war, ZANU’s political wing under the name of (Dare Re Chimurenga) incorporated military personnel from the “High command”. ZAPU also had the same approach taking influence from their Soviet partners. Unfortunately a modern democracy entails a country to take up a new style of approach, a style characterised by professionalism and an apolitical approach. . Unfortunately the continuation of the same style of governance has acted as an impediment to the transition of the nation towards democracy and in the process making ‘coups’ inevitable.

Gukurahundi

Independence ushered in a chance for a new nation to set its tone for a new start in nation building. The British sent a team of Army units under the banner of the British Military Advisory and Training Team ‘BMATT’ to help with the integration of the army. The new army was to be made up of 3 groups, that is, former Rhodesian forces, ZANLA and ZPRA cadres taking up a new name, that is, Zimbabwe National Army. This turning point had the chance of in calculating values of oneness, professionalism to the new nation. However it was not long before the old rivalry between the 2 main parties was ignited. This situation was exacerbated by the fact that due to the high level of politicization between these guerrilla units, the rivalry between their leaders mainly Nkomo and Mugabe sparked tensions resulting in retaliation by ZPRA units by deserting the army and ultimately the dissident activities started.

The response by the then government was very important as it would have allowed for the fostering of a new culture of peace building and reconciliation. Instead they created a new army unit under the name of the 5th Brigade that was purely made up of ZANLA cadres resulting in the massacre of many citizens. This conflict resulted in the establishment of a de facto one party state and in turn setting a precedent for a culture of suppressing a culture of multiparty democracy. This was yet again another missed opportunity for the country to embrace a new culture of democratic principles in governance with regards to running a modern day security force.

Electoral Management in Zimbabwe

A democratic society is characterized by respect to constitutionalism and above respect to civilian authority. However a careful analysis of Zimbabwe’s democratic system shows the contrary, the manner in which elections were and continue to be run in the nation reflects a heavy involvement of the security sector. This manifests in the form of state sponsored violence, Proffesor Lloyd Sachikonye’s ‘When the state turns against its own citizens’ is amongst the many scholarly texts that have extensively documented this phenomenon. Before the 2002 election, General Vitalis Zvinavashe and the rest of the Joint operations command (JOC) called for a presser were they publicly said they would salute anyone without war credentials even if they had won.

This was a clear warning to the opposition which was largely viewed as an agent for regime change agenda. This phenomenon manifested itself again in the heavily contested 2008 election in which the military had a clear role in allowing for the ruling party to maintain its grip on power resulting in the formation of a Government of National Unity (GNU). Dr John Makumbe’s edition titled “Theft by Numbers showed heavy involvement of the security services as a whole in the manipulation and ultimate delay in the results announcement of the 2008 elections.  Among the major points of debate during the formation of the GNU was the appointment of the Minister of Defence resulting in the ruling party’s refusal to allocate the opposition a Defence Ministerial portfolio. This indeed is proof that the security force exerts an undeniable influence on our politics thereby acting as an impediment to the democratic transition of Zimbabwe.

Factional Conflicts

Political factions have always been a part of the processes in any democratic nation. Prof Masipula Sithole has documented on the subject under the title ‘struggles within the struggle’. Unfortunately the manner in which the factional fights have manifested in Zimbabwe has tended to set a negative effect on political conduct in the nation. In November 2017, it became clear that indeed the factional fight for the highest office in the nation had indeed directly cut across the security sector itself. The G40 faction had the support from the police whilst the Lacoste faction had the backing of the Army. The inevitable happened on November 17 when the tanks were rolled out in the streets resulting in a ‘Coup’. Eventually President Robert Mugabe resigned citing fears of blood shed paving way for Emmerson Mnangagwa who had for years enjoyed military support behind the scenes. The events that led to the coup were a clear sign that indeed the military played a key factor in the succession conundrum of not only the political party but the government also.

The new government has repackaged itself under the banner of the New dispensation but unfortunately its actions have shown that indeed the more things have appeared to have changed, the more they have remained the same. In fact the army’s visibility has actually become more pronounced, August 1 saw the deployment of soldiers to thwart protests resulting in the killing of protesters. The aftermath of the Shut Down resulted in the deployment of army units and more killings were witnessed than had been the case before the commission inquiry. Democracy entails that politics leads the gun but Zimbabwe has seen the opposite manifest thereby further complicating the democratization process.

Business and the securocratic class

In an economic sense the security sector has over the years increasingly played a leading role in both directing and controlling the means of production. At some point during the land reform, the police provided logistical support to the invaders. Operations like ‘Maguta’ saw the uniformed forces being given farms in the name of institutional support. This has resulted in a scenario in which a challenge to the land reform policy has been regarded as tantamount to a direct undermining of the security set up as a whole. Reports confirm the heavy involvement of the uniformed forces in the diamond mining activities in the Marange region of the country.

Many of the security chiefs were appointed to the boards of the companies operating in the diamond region of Manicaland. Many former military person have been deployed to serve as Board members in almost all state run institutions like SOEs, names like, Karikoga Kaseke of ZTA, Major General Douglas Nyikayaramba was Board chair for NRZ at some point amongst many others .The points above serve to show that the securocratic class has been heavily involved in shaping the political economy of the nation. The Command approach as witnessed in programs like Command Agriculture, Command housing all point towards the visibility of the military style approach.  This approach undermines civilian oriented remedies to solving the challenges facing the nation.

Conclusion

The events of November saw the full manifestation of the military hand in the politics of Zimbabwe. Indeed in the words of one Alex Magaisa, the ‘Genie’ was finally out of the bottle. The securocratic class finally came from behind the scenes to take up the front seat. The challenge with rolling the tanks in the streets in place of promoting civilian and democratic remedies to problems in the land is that, it is only a matter of time before tanks are back again. Zimbabwe has always had an equal and fair chance to embrace democratic principles but alas every chance has seen a further entrenchment of securotisation of politics.

The irony of the case of Zimbabwe is that the very same liberators who fought against injustice have themselves over the years become guilty of the spearheading injustice. Security sector reform will go a long way in buttressing a culture of democratic practice hinged on key democratic tenets. A failure to adhere to the above has a negative impact that manifests in the increasing influence of the security force’s influence in the political economic of the nation. In the long run any transitional efforts will ultimately depend on the interests of this important constituency (military). Indeed this is a recipe for disaster and Zimbabwe’s transition to democracy is long overdue.

By Colin Chanetsa

The United Kingdom “The Brexit Dilemma”

A turning point in the history of modern day UK came about on the 23rd of June when 51,9% Britons voted to leave the European Union. This marked an end to a relationship spanning more than 50 years. The 30 million voter turnout saw the UK invoking Article 50 of Lisbon thereby setting the tone for a new trajectory as a nation. This decision saw the then Prime Minister David Cameron vacate office, paving way for Madam Theresa May. Two years down the line the UK is yet again at the crossroad with the country having reached a stalemate as to how the UK will relate with the EU. 29 March has fast approached and it appears the UK is at its height of polarised politics giving way to a possibility of a Brexit  under a “NO DEAL” move. In the words of one Daron Acemoglu and Robinson, the UK is at the crossroads, it is indeed at its critical juncture and turning point. Indeed the Queens land is moving towards uncharted territories and only time will tell.

Who is part of the E.U and what is Brexit?

The European Union is an economic and political partnership that began after the 2nd World War and it involves 28 countries. The idea was to create a single market driven by principles of Free Trade Agreement (FTA). The EU has its own currency under the common currency approach called the Euro and a parliament to deliberate on EU law. One may then wonder what then is the Brexit ? Simple put it derives its meaning from “Britain –Exiting the EU hence (Brexit). A close analysis of the trend in International Relations appears to show gravitation towards Supra national institutions like EU, SADC, A.U inter alia. However the UK is set to defy the odds.

Economy

The UK’s economy is the fifth largest economy by nominal gross domestic product (GDP) and the ninth by purchasing power parity (PPP). Its GDP figures stand at an impressive 2.800 trillion (BBC 2018). A careful analysis shows that the major trading partners for the UK are largely from the EU excerpt for the USA which accounts for 14 .6 % versus a cumulative of more than 30% from the top EU trade partners. Invoking Brexit challenges the prospects of UK’s economy and as figures have shown the UK’s economy has slowly grown at a slow rate of 0.6% in the 1st quarter of 2018.

 The pound lost value of up to 10% against the dollar the day Brexit was announced and 10-15% against the Euro. The radical move of leaving the EU has a possibility of the UK leaving, losing the full benefits of the F.T.A and losing on the full advantage of utilising a market with a population of over 500 million. On another note this could be Britain’s chance to explore new avenues/prospects via a bilateral approach to African countries and the rest of the world outside of E.U. Whatever the case may be it is clear that Brexit has set the UK on a volatile economic bumpy road.

Legal

One of the major questions facing the UK centres on the dilemma of dealing with EU laws that are so entwined within the jurisdiction of member states, the UK included. A calculated motion was put forward to parliament resulting in the passing of the European Union Withdrawal Bill dubbed “Great repeal”. The bill incorporates all EU laws into one UK legal body after which the government will decide over time which laws to keep, change or remove. A major case in point with a possibility of turning into a controversial case law is on the Irish Border with the UK.

 The Northern Ireland and the EU share a border stretching 310 miles and Brexit has an effect that could see a return to check points, customs border posts or surveillance cameras at the border and this has an economic bearing as it affects free flow of trade and free cross border flow. Another area involves Migration of labour, the Bosmin case ruled that national leagues had no jurisdiction in imposing quotas on foreign players with European citizenship. Brexit could see the UK being challenged because leaving the EU culminates in her losing the benefits of her former partnership. These are just but a few grey areas that could spark legal battles if Brexit is not handled with kid glove.

 Polarised politics

The Tories and the Labour party have always had a health tension and this has come to be a symbol of the multiparty democracy system. All the parties Tories led by Madam May and the Labour party being steered by the Right Hourable Gentlemen Jeremy Corbyn. It is of importance to note that a common thread that exists between the two parties is their shared belief that indeed Brexit is the best choice for the UK. However the bone of contention arises from the direction the nation has to take as way of delivering the contents of Brexit. This dilemma has seen the UK adopt a polarised approach to her body polity. The recent attempt to push Theresa May out of government via a “Vote of No confidence” narrowly lost by a mere 19 votes is clear proof that indeed Brexit has come at a cost and the longer the deal is delayed, the more the extent of polarisation deepens.

Conclusion

Indeed the UK is at the crossroads and every step being made has a direct impact in defining its future and to International relations. It is a time for bold leadership to take a stand and set the trajectory that will deliver the will of the Britons but at the same time minimise collateral damage. Nonetheless the UK has been here before; history shows us that the UK neglected her policy of Isolation just before the outbreak of the 1st World War so as to join the Triple Alliance.  Whether the UK is going against the tide is a story for the future in the mean while we watch as she takes every calculated step that will define her destiny. Indeed only time will tell.

By Colin Chanetsa